IELTS READING PRACTICEIELTS রিডিং প্র্যাকটিস
AFor much of the twentieth century, biodiversity was regarded primarily as a concern for naturalists and conservationists rather than economists. However, this perspective has shifted considerably in recent decades, as researchers have demonstrated that the natural world underpins a vast range of economic activities. Ecosystems provide what scientists now refer to as 'ecosystem services' — the benefits that functioning natural systems deliver to human societies, including clean water, pollination of crops, carbon sequestration, and flood regulation. Given that these services have historically been treated as free goods, their degradation has often gone unnoticed in conventional national accounting frameworks, which tend to record only marketed commodities.
BAttempts to assign monetary values to ecosystem services have consequently become a major focus of environmental economics. The Millennium Ecosystem Assessment, published in 2005, estimated that the economic value of services provided by healthy ecosystems runs into trillions of dollars annually. More recently, the Dasgupta Review of 2021 argued that nature should be treated as a category of capital — termed 'natural capital' — alongside produced capital such as machinery and human capital such as education. If governments were to incorporate natural capital into national balance sheets, policymakers might make substantially more informed decisions about land use, infrastructure development, and resource extraction.
CNevertheless, placing a price on biodiversity is not without controversy. Critics argue that monetising nature risks reducing complex ecological relationships to oversimplified financial figures, which could distort conservation priorities. A forest, for instance, may be valued primarily for its carbon storage capacity while its role in supporting endemic species receives far less attention. Furthermore, low-income communities that depend directly on biodiversity for food, medicine, and cultural identity may find that market-based conservation schemes displace them from ancestral lands. This concession is significant: economic valuation frameworks, however well-intentioned, may inadvertently reinforce existing inequalities if they are not designed with equity in mind.
DIn contrast, proponents of biodiversity economics contend that without assigning value, governments and corporations will continue to treat nature as an externality — something outside the economic system whose costs are borne by society at large rather than by those who cause environmental damage. The concept of 'payments for ecosystem services' (PES) has emerged as one practical mechanism through which landowners who protect forests or wetlands can receive financial compensation from downstream beneficiaries or from the state. Costa Rica's national PES programme, launched in 1997, is frequently cited as evidence that economic incentives can reverse deforestation trends, having contributed to a significant increase in the country's forest cover over the following two decades.
ELooking ahead, the integration of biodiversity considerations into mainstream financial systems appears to be accelerating. Regulatory bodies in several jurisdictions have begun requiring corporations to disclose nature-related risks in their financial reporting, following frameworks such as the Taskforce on Nature-related Financial Disclosures (TNFD). Institutional investors, meanwhile, have started to recognise that biodiversity loss poses systemic risks to supply chains, agricultural productivity, and long-term asset values. Although significant methodological challenges remain — particularly regarding how to measure biodiversity loss consistently at a global scale — the trajectory suggests that economics and ecology will become increasingly intertwined disciplines in the coming decades.
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Before the late twentieth century, economists were the primary group concerned with biodiversity.
The Dasgupta Review proposed that nature should be classified as a form of capital in national accounts.
Costa Rica's payments for ecosystem services programme was jointly funded by the World Bank.
Institutional investors have begun to consider biodiversity loss as a risk to long-term financial returns.
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According to Paragraph 1, why have ecosystem services often been overlooked in national accounting?
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